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The United States As United Fruit
By Shoshana Bryen, For The Bulletin
In the old days, countries such as Honduras were pejoratively called "banana republics" because of their reliance on a single crop economy and a strong-arm government servile to a small, wealthy elite. Large American companies could buy their strongmen and effectively make the rules.
Honduras is past that, but the United States apparently thinks it is the United Fruit Company and Secretary of State Clinton is Sam Zemurray. Who?
Sam Zemurray first owned Cuyamel Fruit (later sold to United Fruit). Worried that taxes in Honduras that would wipe out his company, he smuggled a deposed leader, Manuel Bonilla, back into the country, starting a revolution. Mr. Bonilla returned to power and granted Zemurray land concessions and low taxes that saved his business. As President of United Fruit, Mr. Zemurray later tried to oust the president of Bolivia.
Unfair?
Honduras has a 27-year-old constitution, a democratically elected parliament, an independent judiciary and a free press. It met American political and economic terms for a $135 million Millennium Challenge Grant. In June, the Honduran government and supreme court constitutionally ousted Manuel Zelaya, a president who violated both the terms of the constitution and the rules of his office. The Honduran army-the body charged in Honduras with executing the court's warrant-carried out the arrest, acting at all times under civilian authority. The interim government, led by a member of Mr. Zelaya's own party, is now preparing to participate in a previously scheduled, competitive presidential election at the end of November.
But United Fruit, or rather the United States, wants Mr. Zelaya back in office. Now.
The United States followed the lead of those great democracies Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela in supporting the ouster of Honduras from the Organization of American States (OAS). The State Department suspended non-immigrant and non-emergency visa services, $31 million in scheduled aid and $11 million remaining in the Millennium Challenge account. [Chump change next to the billions in TARP, but a lot of money for Honduras.] After a meeting between Secretary Clinton and Zelaya, a State Department spokesman said, "restoration of the terminated assistance will be predicated upon a return to democratic, constitutional governance in Honduras." ["Return to"? They never left it.] But he said the United States would not recognize the upcoming election. "That election must be... open to all Hondurans... At this moment, we would not be able to support the outcome of the scheduled elections."
It sounds more like the United States won't recognize the outcome of any election that doesn't put its guy back in office. Or any election held before its guy is back in office.
Why does the United States have "its guy" in Honduras anyhow?
For now, the Honduran government — with the apparent backing of the its public, save some Nicaraguan-sponsored tire burners — is standing firm in the face of tremendous pressure to install Manuel Bonilla — or Manuel Zelaya — as the strongman for the United Fruit Company or, rather the United States.
It is impossible that we cannot do better.
Shoshana Bryen is the senior director for Security Policy at The Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA).
Honduras is past that, but the United States apparently thinks it is the United Fruit Company and Secretary of State Clinton is Sam Zemurray. Who?
Sam Zemurray first owned Cuyamel Fruit (later sold to United Fruit). Worried that taxes in Honduras that would wipe out his company, he smuggled a deposed leader, Manuel Bonilla, back into the country, starting a revolution. Mr. Bonilla returned to power and granted Zemurray land concessions and low taxes that saved his business. As President of United Fruit, Mr. Zemurray later tried to oust the president of Bolivia.
Unfair?
Honduras has a 27-year-old constitution, a democratically elected parliament, an independent judiciary and a free press. It met American political and economic terms for a $135 million Millennium Challenge Grant. In June, the Honduran government and supreme court constitutionally ousted Manuel Zelaya, a president who violated both the terms of the constitution and the rules of his office. The Honduran army-the body charged in Honduras with executing the court's warrant-carried out the arrest, acting at all times under civilian authority. The interim government, led by a member of Mr. Zelaya's own party, is now preparing to participate in a previously scheduled, competitive presidential election at the end of November.
But United Fruit, or rather the United States, wants Mr. Zelaya back in office. Now.
The United States followed the lead of those great democracies Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela in supporting the ouster of Honduras from the Organization of American States (OAS). The State Department suspended non-immigrant and non-emergency visa services, $31 million in scheduled aid and $11 million remaining in the Millennium Challenge account. [Chump change next to the billions in TARP, but a lot of money for Honduras.] After a meeting between Secretary Clinton and Zelaya, a State Department spokesman said, "restoration of the terminated assistance will be predicated upon a return to democratic, constitutional governance in Honduras." ["Return to"? They never left it.] But he said the United States would not recognize the upcoming election. "That election must be... open to all Hondurans... At this moment, we would not be able to support the outcome of the scheduled elections."
It sounds more like the United States won't recognize the outcome of any election that doesn't put its guy back in office. Or any election held before its guy is back in office.
Why does the United States have "its guy" in Honduras anyhow?
For now, the Honduran government — with the apparent backing of the its public, save some Nicaraguan-sponsored tire burners — is standing firm in the face of tremendous pressure to install Manuel Bonilla — or Manuel Zelaya — as the strongman for the United Fruit Company or, rather the United States.
It is impossible that we cannot do better.
Shoshana Bryen is the senior director for Security Policy at The Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA).
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